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Radical Resistance in Conservative Times: New Asian American Organizations in the 1990s
By Diane C. Fujino and Kye Leung
Part 10 of 16
Even though men have joined, women, in theory and practice, have the primary leadership roles; there have been few, if any, problems with sexism within the organization; and they implemented a policy that an Asian women (alone or in conjunction with another member) must represent the group at public events. API FORCE established a Women's Collective in 1998 when they learned about sexual harassment occurring in a progressive API community organization. In addition to establishing a sexual harassment policy, API FORCE initiated an open letter, endorsed by other API groups, calling progressive activists and organizations to address sexism in the workplace and in the movement for social justice. Though currently inactive, the Women's Collective also published a women's issue of the 'zine, The World is Yours, to create a space for API women to voice their ideas. The ALF also mandated that at least one women will be among the two local representatives to the National Planning Council. The five groups also oppose heterosexisn-4 though their sparse programming on gay and lesbian issues has resulted in few open queers among their membership.
These radical formations also have serious shortcomings. AU of the groups suffer from small numbers of highly dedicated activists--no doubt, in part, a reflection of the times. Despite many activists' realization that effective organizing can be accomplished with a few committed organizers--quality is indeed more important than quantity--the small numbers do put a strain on the campaigns and on the activists themselves. In addition, groups like ASIAN! and ACTION suffer from fairly high turn-over rates. ASIAN!'s membership is affected by the nature of campus-based organizing--students often join political groups late in their college career and then graduate--and because, unlike major cities, most students leave the Santa Barbara area after graduating. ACTION has had three distinctive generations of activists in the four years of its existence, largely because after gaining community organizing training in ACTION, they move onto other projects and organizations. As a result, these groups must constantly focus on recruitment--and retention--efforts. Moreover, it is difficult for the groups to advance their politics when there are few stable, advanced members among the constant influx of new, inexperienced members.
Moreover, the overwhelming presence of college students and professionals--and the limited participation by the lower-echelon working class--affects the practice and commitment of members. Though the resources of students and professionals enable them to work for social change, their middle-class status and options allow them an out when the work gets too demanding. The predominant student membership of ARC also helps explain why they believe that "the youth will be in the proletarian vanguard," in contrast to the emphasis placed on the working class by revolutionary socialist groups. Still, many of the activities of these groups reflect their ideological commitment to the immigrant and working-class poor. For example, API FORCE is pushing for a food stamp program, ARC works in Boston's Chinatown, and ACTION, ALF, and ASIAN! have supported working-class labor struggles and issues of prisons and political prisoners.
Finally, the lack of ideological clarity in all these groups presents problems. As Fred Ho noted: "In fighting the system, the question of ideology is key: If you're opposed to sexism, homophobia, worker exploitation, state repression, racism etc., then what do you replace these with? What is the goal of activism: Reform or revolution? What is fundamental. to making real, systemic social change: Changing political officials, legislation and media representation, or political and economic power via ownership and control over the means of production?"'