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Radical Resistance in Conservative Times: New Asian American Organizations in the 1990s
By Diane C. Fujino and Kye Leung
Part 14 of 16
These new radical formations operate with greater flexibility compared to the revolutionary Asian American organizations of the 1960s and 70s. They try to find ways for members with varying amounts of time and commitments to be involved. The need for flexibility reflects the conservatism of the times as well as the professionalization of activism. Certainly, the political fervor of the 1960s and 70s helped to popularize activism; similar conditions do not exist today. Plus, increased economic pressures mean that students must work longer hours and take larger course loads to avoid paying high tuition fees for additional semesters. What then drops off is student activism. Concomitantly, Asian American college graduates have greater opportunities to work in professional arenas, at least compared to a generation ago. Consequently, Asian American student activists often seek professional ways to express their political concerns--by working in social service agencies, non-profit community organizations, and in the cultural, educational, and legal arenas. This becomes problematic when this work replaces direct participation in the radical, grassroots movement. This can occur when a lawyer's activism is limited to pro bono work, when a cultural worker produces political poetry but fails to help organize for social change, or when one's social service or union job eats up all one's time so there is no direct engagement in the radical, grassroots movement. No doubt, the weakened state of the radical movements also makes professionalized political work more attractive. Frequently, young activists complain that no revolutionary organization exists that they want to join. Given the demands on people and the limited outlets for radical and revolutionary organizing, the radical organizations examined in this paper find that if their membership requirements are too high, members drop out. By contrast, some members leave these groups because they are looking for more advanced politics. Thus, it becomes necessary to create a variety of spaces, including revolutionary organizations, for Asian American activists.
One positive effect of the flexible approach of these new organizations is seen in their effort to develop the types of social relationships that do not reproduce the oppressive relations displayed under capitalism. Like in the past, political organizing today leads to friendships based on similar values, commitments, and activities. But today's groups are less harsh in their criticisms and less focused on determining the correct political fine. This aids in building new social relationships, ones that will form of the basis of a new non-capitalist society. But today's new groups tend to err in the other direction--of not holding each other accountable to high standards and not giving enough constructive criticism--which tends to undermine the effectiveness of political organizing and individual growth.
What is needed is a revolutionary wing of the Asian American Movement. If we are correct that the current period represents the beginning of a qualitative upswing in the movements for social change, then the time is ripe to build the infrastructure to promote that growth. Activists will create those changes and, in turn, -a changed environment, with mass popular support and revolutionary leadership, will facilitate advances in the Movement. Community-based progressive forces and radical formations already exist in the Asian American community. But we need to build an Asian-focused revolutionary organization(s). As evidenced by the efforts of the ALF, this is an ambitious and difficult task. But it is called "the struggle" for a reason. To create this force, activists will need to intensify their commitment to social justice, reduce their reliance on professionalized activism, and increase their willingness to sacrifice for the future generations. This new revolutionary group might be worked out through the ALF, if it can overcome its problems.